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Vladimir Putin is embarking on a short trip to India, where he is expected to meet PM Narendra Modi and participate in an annual summit held by the two states.

New Delhi and Russia are anticipated to finalize a several deals during the trip, which occurs following the US increased pressure on India to stop importing Russian oil.

It also happens amid the American President administration engaging in a set of discussions with Russia and Ukraine in an effort to resolve the conflict.

India and Russia have been strategic friends for a long time, and Putin and Modi enjoy a strong connection. Here is a examination at why they both require each other – and what to watch for as they hold talks.

A Unique Bond, Trade Deals and Global Strategy

Why are links with India critical for the Moscow?

Firstly, consider the figures:

• A citizenry of nearly a billion and a half.
• An economy growing exceeding 8%. India is the world's top-performing large economy.

That establishes it as a hugely lucrative destination for Russian products and exports – especially oil.

India is the world's third largest user of petroleum and has been acquiring substantial amounts from Russia. That was not historically the case. Prior to the Russian comprehensive offensive of Ukraine, just 2.5% of India's oil purchases were Russian.

That share skyrocketed to 35% as India capitalized on Russian discounted prices prompted by restrictions against Moscow and Russia's curtailed entry to the EU market.

India was content. Washington was not.

In October, the Trump administration levied an extra 25% duty on Indian goods, contending that by importing oil from Russia, India was contributing to fill the Kremlin's war chest. Orders from India for Russian oil have subsequently declined. President Putin will be anxious for India to maintain its imports.

For Moscow, weapons transfers to India are an additional priority and have been since the Cold War. Ahead of Putin's visit, there were indications that India is considering to purchase cutting-edge Russian fighter jets and missile defence systems.

Russia, hit by a skilled worker deficit, also regards India as a important source of skilled workers.

But there's global strategy in the mix, too.

The Kremlin enjoys proving that Western attempts to ostracize it over the war in Ukraine have not succeeded.

Visiting India and holding talks with Prime Minister Modi is a means of doing that.

So is travelling to China and conducting discussions with Xi Jinping, as Putin did three months ago. He saw Modi on the same trip. The picture of the three leaders smiling and chatting with each other sent a powerful message that, notwithstanding the war in Ukraine, Moscow has influential partners who endorse the idea of a "world with multiple power centers".

Russia champions its "no limits partnership" with China.

It is no less emphatic about its "special and privileged strategic partnership" with India.

That is a clear difference to Moscow's strained ties with the European Union.

"I think the Kremlin is convinced that the West, even Europe, completely failed," argues expert Andrei Kolesnikov.

"We are not isolated, because we have ties to Asia and the non-Western nations. Economically, this is the way forward. In that sense Russia returned as the main actor in these areas of the globe, reminiscent of the Soviet Union."

This week, though, expect to hear about Russia-India friendship, commercial pacts and increased economic cooperation between Moscow and Delhi.

Challenge of Modi's Independent Foreign Policy

Putin's visit to Delhi is occurring at a crucial time for Modi and India's international aspirations.

India-Russia relations date back to the Soviet era and have endured irrespective of the changing global political landscape.

Putin has reportedly put more effort and focus into this relationship than other Russian leaders in the past.

As for Modi, despite coming under intense pressure from US and European governments to condemn Russia over its war in Ukraine, he stated that talks was the only way to resolve the conflict.

This was India's "strategic autonomy" being exercised – with Modi maintaining a particular place in the global hierarchy where he cultivated close ties with Moscow while keeping his rapport with the West concurrently.

That functioned – until Trump returned to the White House. India-US ties have reached an historic low in recent times as the two countries have not managed to overcome the duty stalemate.

In this context, Putin's visit carries increased significance for Modi than in the past because it will test India's strategic independence. He will be navigating the diplomatic fine line here.

Modi would seek to prove voters at home and in the global stage that he still views Putin as his friend and has not succumbed to pressure from Trump, whom he has earlier called his "close friend".

But he has also encountered calls from his friends in Europe – as recently as this week, the German, French and UK ambassadors in India wrote a unprecedented co-authored column in a major newspaper challenging Russia's stance on Ukraine.

And so, Modi will have to ensure that the strengthening of India-Russia ties does not detract from current negotiations with the US and his partnership with Europe.

"For India, the task is walking a fine line – safeguarding sovereignty while managing pressure from Washington and dependence on Moscow," said a local policy institute.

Modi's additional aim will be to realize the full capacity of economic exchange between India and Russia.

Observers have frequently said that the trade partnership between the two strong allies has underperformed for a long period.

Their bilateral trade increased to $68.72bn at the end of March 2025, up from {just